The 2017 UK general election is taking place on 8 June and most parties have released their manifesto. This article takes an objective look at the energy policy component of the main parties. It starts off with an overview of the policies before looking in detail to the proposals regarding energy bills. Reading time is 4 minutes and 30 seconds.
Figure 1: Summary of manifestos

Source: Carbon Brief.
The manifestos for Conservative, Labour, Lib Dems and the Greens are summarised above in Figure 1. The following conclusions jump out:
- Conservative and Labour are both proposing a price cap on energy bills. Labour’s is more aggressive with a cap at £1000 and the introduction of publicly owned energy companies;
- The Conservatives hint that they would remove intermediary climate change targets in 2030 and relax the carbon budgets, but retain the 2050 target. This is in line with the recent House of Lords recommendation[1] to slow the UK’s progress towards reducing CO2 emissions by 2050;
- Challenger parties represent a greener option by adhering to existing CO2 targets and promising 60% of energy to be generated by renewables in 2030; and
- Most parties are proposing a diverse set of energy technologies, including tidal and offshore wind. Lib Dems and the Greens are advocating onshore wind. Labour and Lib Dems want to introduce CCS schemes.
The main battleground for energy policy in the 2017 election is energy bills. Ed Miliband initially launched a price freeze policy in 2011, which was extremely well received by the public and caught the Tories off guard. This time the Conservatives have been on the front foot by launching their own version of the price cap.
Public perception is that bills have increased significantly and that energy companies have been making huge profits at the UK consumer’s expense. Figure 2 is the annual cost of bills since 1996 and it shows that bills rose by two-thirds between 2004 and 2010, but since this date, a bill today is roughly the same as the cost in 2010. This suggests that pledges made today are a little late and that Ed Miliband’s price freeze in 2011 was much more reflective of the pressure felt by UK consumers.
Figure 2: The cost of UK energy bills (£, 1996 to 2016)

Source: UK Government, Statistical data set – Annual domestic energy bills. Note: Direct debit, all consumers, 2010 real prices.
Further, the profits earnt by the ‘Big 6’ energy suppliers (British Gas, npower, EDF, EON, Scottish Power and SSE) were £1.1 billion in 2014[2]. On the face of it, this appears to be a large number and corresponds to £43.50 for each UK household. However, comparing this to the size of the bill, profit margins are only 4%. We can also compare this to the profits of the three largest supermarkets (Tesco, Sainsburys and Morrisons), which in 2014 were £7.4 billion[3], or £285 per household. On a relative basis, companies supplying electricity and gas are receiving less than 15% of the profits earnt by companies supplying food to the UK household.
However, many consider that bills are too high in the UK today. Figure 3 shows the breakdown of some of the components of an energy bill and highlights two problems. First, direct costs have increased because of an increasing number of subsidies for renewable energy. The government and UK consumers cannot expect to transition to a low carbon economy without incurring additional costs. This point is especially important for Labour’s and the Lib Dem’s manifesto promise to provide 60% of the UK’s energy using renewable sources. The costs to achieve this will be high from an initial build cost perspective and from a system instability perspective. Should the UK public proceed down the path of 60% renewables by 2030, then they must be ready to accept the high cost to deliver this policy.
Second, the operating costs and profit have increased. These are the two items that are controllable for energy suppliers. It is disappointing to see that in a period when there was significant competitive pressure from new independent suppliers, who grew their market share from nothing to 16% of the market, that the Big 6 energy providers failed to reduced operating costs or lower profit margins. Instead, profit margins increased from 2.8% to 4.0%[4] with the ‘Big 6’ passing some of the additional costs onto consumers. Coupled with the poor levels of customer service experienced by energy markets, it is fair to conclude that change is needed.
Figure 3: Changes in UK energy bills (£, 2011 to 2015)
Source: Ofgem CSS data.
The introduction of a basic price cap on the most visible part of the UK energy system, the consumer bill, is not a sustainable fix. Instead, the next government should take a total system view when setting costs which assesses the combined costs of generating electricity, transporting it through the network and the cost to use low carbon energy sources. The independent review of the cost of energy in the Conservative manifesto is a start to this, but I consider that the total system view should be part of an ongoing process and independent of the government in power, rather than a one off.
With regards to energy suppliers, the UK needs to establish a new pricing mechanism that fosters transparent competition. Dieter Helm[5] proposes another method which caps the sections of the bill that energy companies cannot control, which are wholesale and direct costs so that these are the same for all customers. Then, for the parts of the bill which are in the control of energy companies like operating costs and margin, facilitate transparent competition so it is easy for UK customers to determine the lowest prices in the market.
Lastly, Labour’s call for energy bills to be less than £1000 is unrealistic. The uncontrollable costs for energy companies in 2015 were £933 and operating costs were £184. To meet the £1000 cap, energy companies would either need to be subsidised from other government funds or end up leaving the market. I would also expect that the introduction of additional publicly funded energy companies would not be beneficial for the UK. They might result in lower energy bills, but the public funds required to do this would likely offset any gains and result in a net loss for the UK consumer.
So in summary, the manifestos represent the long-running energy trade-off between sustainability and affordability. Labour and Lib Dems propose a more environmentally friendly way with 60% of energy produced by renewables in 2030. This is opposed by pledges from parties propose to cap household energy bills, but the Conservative policies are the only ones that are consistent with delivering it.
[1] House of Lords, The Price of Power: Reforming the Electricity Market, 2016/17.
[2] Profits refer to EBITDA figures. 2014 was the year with the highest EBITDA where data is available between 2009-2015.
[3] Goldmann Sachs, UK Supermarkets equity note, 2015.
[4] CSS data, EBITDA margins.
[5] Dieter Helm, Why intervention on energy tariffs is needed and how to do it without undermining competition, April 2017.





























